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Editorial
Stuck in the Bottleneck
Ammar Abdulhamid
June
20, 2004
Also published in the Daily Star under the title: "Prepare for when the Arab
bottle breaks."
When you are stuck in the neck of a bottle,
it doesn't matter how far you are from the bottom, or how close you come
to the edge of freedom. There are no points of no return. As you
struggle to free yourself, you can as easily fail and fall as succeed
and climb out of the top. For those stuck in the neck, though, the
option of not doing anything, of accepting their bondage, seems like the
safest bet. But what happens when they realize that an overwhelming
force may threaten to break the bottle? What is the safest bet then?
The
Arab League summit in Tunisia came and went. A bold statement was issued
at the end, one that was meant to strike all the right chords with the
forces of reform inside and outside the Middle East. Emancipation from
the region's age-old authoritarian practices and notions, if we believe
the summit statement, is forthcoming - and all we have to do is reach
out for it.
But,
of course, the Arab peoples and many others have grown wise and weary
throughout the years, so that they cannot be fooled by the declarations
of Arab leaders, no matter how grand. For this reason, the Tunisia
Declaration failed to generate the hoped-for tempest of appreciative
applause.
Getting out of the bottleneck and moving in the right direction requires
more than broad gestures, it requires specific initiatives tailored to
fit each particular Arab country. Detailed programs and projects,
tentative deadlines and clearly iterated criteria and milestones for
judging progress need to be established. However, so far, Arab ruling
elites have generated only disappointment in this regard.
Syria
is a case in point. Four years after the election (or selection) of a
new and young president, Bashar Assad, who clearly promised change in
his first public addresses, no major change has taken place in the
country. Public pressure from civil society activists for change and for
the formulation of a clear public vision on reform has been shamelessly
stamped out, leaving no room for leadership accountability. Syrians were
expected to fall back on a blind belief in the presumed good intentions
of their new leadership, without there being a clear commitment by the
latter to a specific reform program.
As a
result, four years have been wasted. The various security services are
resuming their old habits and engaging in crackdowns, and are now using
the Kurdish riots that rocked the country in March as an excuse.
The
wave of panic that overtook Syria in the aftermath of the US-led
invasion of Iraq and the different bellicose pronouncements made toward
the Syrian regime at the time by high-ranking US officials seem to have
dissipated, leaving behind the same stagnant scene that has pervaded
Syria for years. Bearing in mind that, within the context of the Arab
world, the Syrian case is more the rule than the exception, we are
forced to wonder: Where exactly does this leave us? Stuck in the neck of
a bottle waiting for the US Marines to come crashing in?
Not
necessarily. The fear of a possible US or other military invasion is not
the issue here. The overwhelming force that might break the bottle is
not necessarily external; it might assume the guise of a domestic
rebellion. While the status quo may be acceptable for many older people,
it can never be satisfactory for the younger generations that make up
more than 65 percent of the Arab population today. Moreover, the
expectations of the young, thanks to their exposure to the standards of
living in the West, if only through television, are much higher than any
Arab country can provide for, now or in the foreseeable future, even if
sincere reform efforts should begin today.
On the
other hand, due to increasingly ineffective and outmoded educational
systems, not to mention the gargantuan corruption of Arab ruling elites
and the continuing bewilderment and impotence of the region's civil
society actors, the likely rebels will probably act out the same kind of
primordial impulses we are witnessing among insurgents in Iraq. They
simply do not know any better.
This
Middle East is, therefore, bound to go through a period of mayhem. It
seems that the best that Arab leaders can produce at this stage is the
Tunisia Declaration, or that the best that US and European leaders can
conjure up is the Partnership for Progress and a Common Future with the
Region of the Broader Middle East and North Africa agreed to in the US
two weeks ago. Until these proposals are improved upon, and until the
Alexandria and Sanaa declarations inspire the adoption of bold and
practical programs on the part of Arab civil society activists, this
period is going to be a long one, with dangerous consequences all
around.
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