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Editorial
Syria and
the Kurds - cool heads must
prevail
Ammar Abdulhamid
March 25, 2004
The recent tragic developments in Syria's northernmost city of Qamishli, and
the ensuing spillovers into other townships and cities, deserve more than
simple condemnations of alleged wrongdoers, agents provocateurs, and/or the
authorities, local or national. If these events are to be truly contained so
that they are not repeated in the future and so as to avoid the slightest
hint of the possibility of foreign intervention and any recourse to spiteful
and vindictive rhetoric and measures, certain basic issues related to the
living conditions and status of Syria's Kurdish population need to be
seriously addressed.
Foremost in this regard are
the issues emanating from the country's longstanding arabization policy
vis-ŕ-vis its Kurdish population, including the creation and maintenance of
Arab settlements inside the Kurdish territories, neglecting to develop the
basic social, educational and economic infrastructure of these territories,
prohibiting the use of the Kurdish language in the public space, including
schools and government buildings, denying the Kurds the right to play an
active role in local administration, and sealing the records of over 200,000
Kurdish residents who, thus, remain without identification cards and are in
effect deprived of the natural benefits of citizenship.
Unless these issues are
seriously addressed, the recent developments that the country has witnessed
might, unfortunately, prove a mere dress rehearsal for what could be lying
ahead.
This blunt statement of the
facts and their potential consequences is intended to introduce a much
needed note of sobriety into the decision-making process on all sides, and
is dictated by the fact that one of the main concerns of the Tharwa
Project is conflict prevention in a region that has witnessed, and is
still witnessing, more than its fair share of conflicts, if fairness is the
right concept to invoke here. For this, clarity of purpose and goals is one
of the main mechanisms that need to be deployed.
The riots that took place
over the last few days have already generated much hostility among the
majority Arab population of Syria, especially in the southern and western
parts of the country where people have traditionally been kept in the dark
regarding the way the Kurds have been treated. Indeed, the riots seemed
quite incomprehensible to most of them and have posed a severe test to the
fragile sense of security that they have maintained ever since the dark
period of the late 70s and early 80s. Consequently, the Arab population at
this stage seems more inclined to support government crackdown against the
Kurdish population more as an expression of their desire to avoid a relapse
into the violence and mayhem that the country has long witnessed, and that
neighboring Iraq is currently witnessing, than as an expression of some
racial prejudice vis-ŕ-vis the Kurds. Nonetheless, this attitude still bodes
ill for future relations between the Arab and Kurdish citizens of
Syria.
Moreover, the various
statements that have so far been issued by Syrian officials in connection
with the riots seem to assign the whole blame for this development, prior to
any investigation of the matter, independent or otherwise, solely on the
Kurds and on alleged foreign dabbling in Kurdish milieus. This is definitely
not the right way for Syria’s government to appease the mounting Kurdish
sense of frustration and anger vis-ŕ-vis the status quo.
Furthermore, some (though
not all) officials have referred more often in their statements to Arab
causalities and neglected any mention of the much higher Kurdish death toll
(around 40 according to conservative local estimates). It is indeed as if
the Kurds represent some kind of foreign presence in the eyes of these
officials, so that their suffering and loss do not merit any consideration
or mention. This attitude will only contribute to the growing feeling of
alienation of the country's Kurdish population and could further inflame an
already too volatile situation.
Obviously then, and if the
Syrian government truly desires to move beyond the immediate containment of
the situation through the adoption of various security measures, most of
which tend to raise even more problems on the long run, a clearer more
comprehensive policy needs to be adopted.
Over the next few days and
weeks, and in addition to undertaking a full investigation of the events and
their immediate causes, of course, the following civic measures are
recommended:
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A
series of visits by high-ranking officials to afflicted Kurdish
territories coupled with meetings with local officials and
representatives of the Arab and Kurdish populations.
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Guidelines should be issued to local and national officials as well as
leaders of the official press on how to respond to the current situation
in a manner that avoids stereotyping, prejudgments and further
alienation of the Kurdish population.
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Organizing community meetings between Arab and Kurdish inhabitants of
the affected areas in order to alley fears, rebuild trust and create
further understanding of the Kurdish situation, concerns and
aspirations. (Many Syrian civil society activists have already launched
a number of activities along these lines, including a recent visit by a
delegation of Syrian civil society activists and representatives of
carious civil and human rights organizations to the city of Qamishli in
an effort to reconcile the different parties and defuse the situation.
Still, efforts made by the Syrian government in this regard could have
greater resonance as they would signal an official change of attitude
with regard to the way the country’s Kurds are treated, and would imbue
the existing regime with some much needed legitimacy in the eyes of its
Kurdish electorate).
These are only immediate
measures, of course, and cannot be considered as substitutes for an
effective handling of the core issues noted above, whose resolution
constitutes the only practical and viable answer to Syria's own Kurdish
Question.
Indeed,
Syria
needs to become a state of all its citizens, regardless of their ethnic,
sectarian or religious affiliations – a development that promises to
reinforce the stability and national unity of the country and make it more
capable of effectively responding to the requirements of the constantly
changing geopolitical realities of the region and the world. This will also
effectively shut the doors in the face of any possible foreign and external
intervention in the internal affairs of the country.
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