Arab
Liberals: the last hope for reform
By Ammar Abdulhamid
Special to The Daily Star
Tuesday, August 31, 2004
An interesting phenomenon has been taking place of late: coverage in
the international media of the activities of Arab and Muslim terrorists
has given way, for a short while at least, to a consideration of Arab
liberal intellectuals and activists and their potential role in the
longed-for reform process in the Arab world.
Although different authors seem to have a different understanding of
what they actually mean by "Arab liberals," one thing appears to be
constant: the liberals are assumed to have secular leanings and a
certain favorable, or at least more realistic, disposition toward
Western values, culture and interests. They are, therefore, clearly
regarded as a minority within a minority.
Realizing this, analysts seem to be quite divided over whether Arab
liberals can succeed in having a real impact on the contemporary Arab
political and cultural scene. Still, they seem to agree on the fact that
the liberals represent the last hope for a peaceful indigenous
transformation of the Middle East.
Nothing could be more true. Arab liberals are currently caught between a
rock and a hard place - that is, between regimes whose grip on power is
still strong and who have every intention of making it even stronger (to
ensure a smooth succession in their leadership, if nothing else), and
societies where religious extremism is making deep inroads and
developing a more "romantic" popular appeal. Arab liberals are indeed
under siege, and that's putting it mildly.
The reality is that Arab liberals are currently fighting to retain the
last foothold that liberal values still have in the Arab world. In this
they have no choice but to cooperate with external forces, at the risk
of being denounced as traitors or pawns of the West. For they have no
supporters within their own societies, except the ones who might benefit
from the liberals' involvement in various domestic developmental
activities. These activities, however, are always monitored by the
authorities and could be shut down at a moment's notice.
Still, Arab regimes are not the only hurdles that liberals have to
clear. Their societies present formidable barriers as well, as the
liberals often have to deal with issues that are socially problematic.
Take the issue of minority rights, a topic I have been addressing in
Syria. Raising this as part of an ongoing effort to increase popular
awareness and appreciation for democratic values is bound to make many
people, and not only regimes, quite uneasy.
For example, people who have been raised on the myths of Arab
nationalism will, understandably, have a difficult time accepting the
legitimate aspirations of the Kurds, Amazigh or Berbers living in their
midst. As they grew up believing that their countries were part of an
Arab homeland, in their minds granting separate cultural rights to other
ethnic groups undermines the national character of the state.
Similarly, the idea of granting equal rights to religious minorities, be
they Christians, Jews or members of heterodox Muslim sects, is still
quite problematic. The institution of "dhimmitude," that is of declared
trusteeship over religious minorities, still influences the way in which
many Muslims think and behave toward these minorities. The heterodox
sects have even greater difficulties to contend with, as the dhimmi
institution did not accommodate them.
Gender issues, the urban-rural divide and prevailing traditional versus
modern sexual mores are some of the other issues that Arab liberals have
difficulty addressing. Yet, as the recent United Nations Development
Program's Arab Human Development Reports have demonstrated, these issues
go to the very heart of the contemporary Arab crisis and cannot be
ignored.
There are those who believe that economic reform should at this stage be
given top priority in the Arab world, and that these other, "social"
issues must wait. This is, however, a gross oversimplification. The
intricate relations between minority groups and majority populations,
rural and urban centers, and men and women, have too many implications
for economic reform to be pushed to the back of the line. Unless they
are seriously addressed, they will be serious obstacles to reform.
Because they are working against so many prevalent assumptions and
convictions in the Middle East, Arab liberals seem to have no choice but
to seek external sources of funding and expertise to support their
various activities.
This alliance of sorts that is emerging between the region's liberals
and their willing international backers comes as a last-ditch effort to
develop, modernize and democratize the Arab world, peacefully and from
within. This is unmistakably a struggle against all odds, but that is
exactly what makes it so necessary. In a region where events have always
had international repercussions, no one can afford to pay the price of
failure.
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