The U.S. and the Arabs: so similar, yet so
democratically different
By Ammar Abdulhamid
Special to The Daily Star
Friday, October 15, 2004
Popular beliefs and perceptions aside, Arabs and Americans have much
more in common than they like to think. Selective historical memories
and a growing sense of insecurity are only two glaring examples in this
regard.
Just consider the way Arabs talk about Saddam Hussein these days.
Consider the way they treat his surviving family members, his daughter
Raghad for instance. Her face has recently been splashed on the covers
and pages of many society magazines. Reading these publications, one is
tempted to imagine that the mad tyrant was actually a national hero who
did many great things for Iraqis and Arabs in general.
On the other hand, listening to the negative ways Americans and their
officials talk about Saddam today, it becomes very difficult to forget
how Washington once supported the former Baath regime in its bloody war
against neighboring Iran and, in fact, at one time considered Saddam a
precious and useful ally. For both Arabs and Americans, it seems,
immediate concerns and interests weigh much more heavily than historical
facts and realities.
A second point of similarity between Arabs and Americans is their
constant preoccupation with their standing in the world. Americans
eagerly want to preserve their hard-earned position as the world's only
remaining superpower. Meanwhile, Arabs are desperately hoping to get out
of the hole they have dug for themselves thanks to decades of
incompetence, corruption and authoritarianism.
The events of Sept. 11, 2001, while they scarcely made a dent in
America's economic and political standing, managed nonetheless to hurt
its prestige and undermine its sense of security. This development
helped radicalize popular sentiment and created fertile ground for the
adoption of certain extremist measures and policies, such as the Bush
administration's doctrine of preemptive war and its passage of the
U.S.A. Patriot Act.
The "Arab Sept. 11," at least in terms of the psychological impact
involved, took place somewhat earlier than the one in the U.S. It
occurred in 2000, with the collapse of the Arab-Israeli peace process
and the onset of the current Palestinian intifada. This violent
turnaround in Arab-Israeli fortunes was watched throughout the Middle
East thanks to a variety of new satellite television networks, helping
expose Arab peoples to the increasing impotence of their regimes. The
broadcasts also fueled popular feelings of anger and dismay toward the
perceived biased policies of the U.S. with regard to the Palestinians.
The endemic corruption, inefficiency and backwardness of their societies
made many Arabs grow increasingly disillusioned with their regimes and
their insincere promises of reform. The stage was thus set for the
emergence of alternative actors who seemed more capable of redressing
the perceived injustices. Hence the growing sympathy for Islamists and
terrorists. For no matter how nihilistic and sadistic these new actors
were, they, at least, appeared to be "doing something." For people whose
sense of pride and security have been seriously undermined, the ability
to maintain an appearance of active involvement can go a long way in
satisfying certain primordial longings, regardless of realities on the
ground.
Maintaining such an appearance is exactly what the Bush administration
also seems to be achieving in its, otherwise, disastrous involvement in
Iraq.
Arabs and Americans are obviously not identical in all respects. There
is at least one major difference that we must identify: the strength of
American democratic institutions. For although these institutions cannot
prevent major mistakes in America's domestic and foreign policies, they
do provide a mechanism for rectifying them. The absence of such
institutions in the Arab world, on the other hand, and the continuing
lack of appreciation for democratic values at the grassroots level, mean
that once a wrong choice is made, reversing it becomes quite difficult,
not to mention time-consuming.
So, while Americans are currently questioning the wisdom of their
actions during the last three years, a process that might culminate in
the choice of a new president in the coming election, the ongoing Arab
debate on reform is still in an embryonic phase. That is, it still lacks
the necessary resonance at the level of Arab governments and societies
to produce much-needed change and stem the rising tide of extremism.
Arab regimes might be willing to make general declarations on reform, as
they did at the last Arab League summit in Tunisia. In reality, however,
they remain too corrupt and inept to carry out serious reform. Arab
civil society, therefore, is the only hope left for change. The
Americans should do all they can to support it. For if the events of
Sept. 11 taught us anything, it is that the consequences of the current
implosion in the Arab world will be borne by all.
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